The EU should seize the moment and deepen its strategic cooperation with China

While narratives of “systemic rivalry” dominate headlines, they risk obscuring a vital truth: The European Union and China, which marked the 50th anniversary of their diplomatic relations last year, have already built decades of constructive engagement, and the potential dividends of deepened cooperation are immense — not only for both parties, but for the wider world.

Since the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1975, the EU and China have steadily expanded their engagement, culminating in a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in 2003.

Economically, the two sides are deeply intertwined. In 2024, China remained the EU’s second-largest trading partner after the United States, with bilateral trade in goods reaching $785.8 billion, according to Eurostat. Germany, France and many other EU member states count China among their top export destinations, while Chinese companies have stepped up investments in European infrastructure, clean tech and logistics, such as port facilities in Piraeus, Antwerp and Duisburg, generating value and creating jobs.

The two sides have become leaders in the green energy transition, with China producing more than 80 percent of the world’s photovoltaic modules and about 70 percent of global wind power equipment supply, and the EU pioneering binding emissions limits, carbon pricing and enforceable environmental standards across its economy. In addition, following the US’ withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, the EU and China have demonstrated their capacity for effective collaboration, with the 2025 EU-China joint statement on climate change reaffirming their commitments to enhanced green cooperation and ambitious Nationally Determined Contributions to foster global climate action.

Educational exchanges have also flourished. Programs such as the EU’s Erasmus+ and Horizon Europe, and China’s Young Envoys Scholarship and the China Scholarship Council Scholarship have transformed the dream of studying abroad into a tangible reality for youth from the EU and China.

Finally, collaboration also thrives in many lesser-known areas, far from the public eye. For instance, Chinese and European scientists are working hand-in-hand to improve food traceability and safety through the EU-China-Safe project under Horizon Europe; to optimize traffic flows and improve urban environmental management under the EU-China Sustainable Urbanization Flagship Initiative; and, soon, to launch a joint spacecraft to study space weather phenomena — the Solar-wind Magnetosphere Ionosphere Link Explorer (SMILE) Mission.

In short, EU-China collaboration is not an idealistic vision, but an ongoing and practical reality.

Yet the greatest opportunities lie ahead.

In the field of infrastructure, high-speed rail in Europe remains unevenly developed, with central and eastern regions underserved and rail accounting for just 7.1 percent of cross-border travel in 2023. The European Commission’s plan to connect major cities by 2040, requiring an estimated 546 billion euros ($635 billion) in investment, reflects the scale of this challenge. Evidence shows such investment delivers clear climate gains: The Barcelona-Madrid line has shifted millions of passengers per quarter from air to rail, cutting emissions by hundreds of thousands of metric tons annually. In this context, cooperation with China — drawing on its experience in system-level planning, cost control and large-scale project delivery — could offer practical value beyond technology alone.

European carmakers should abandon protectionism and cries of “overcapacity” (a particularly odd argument from Europe’s most important export industry), and instead join forces with their Chinese counterparts to co-develop next-generation batteries and vehicles, supporting European jobs and accelerating the green transition. Battery investments by Chinese companies such as CATL in Hungary, for example, are expected to employ 1,500 people by the first quarter of 2026. Embedding advanced battery production and supply chains within Europe will create both skills training and manufacturing jobs for European workers.

Beyond industry, people-to-people exchanges offer another underused channel for advancing mutual understanding. Confucius Institutes once hosted hundreds of thousands of European language learners annually, while Europe’s Goethe-Institut, Instituto Cervantes and Institut Fran?ais remain active in China, organizing exhibitions, concerts and academic programs. Rather than operating in parallel or being framed as political instruments, these institutions could co-host exhibitions, film festivals and bilingual education initiatives that reflect contemporary social realities.

Finally, the EU and China may find greater scope for cooperation in supporting sustainable development in the Global South, particularly in areas related to climate action and the green transition. While development pathways differ, China’s experience in large-scale implementation and Europe’s strengths in climate finance and governance could complement each other in addressing the environmental challenges facing developing countries.

Unfortunately, the EU is not quite there yet. The European Commission’s 2019 framing of China as a “systemic rival, economic competitor and negotiating partner” remains influential, and has increasingly been interpreted in securitized terms — fueled by growing transatlantic pressure to “de-risk”, “decouple” and adopt hard-line restrictions.

Europe would be wise to pause amid this escalating spiral and ask: Whose interests are truly served? The US’ policy is clear — Zbigniew Brzezinski’s Grand Chessboard laid it out: “It is imperative that no Eurasian challenger emerges capable of dominating Eurasia and thus of also challenging America.” It is far from obvious that safeguarding US preeminence should be the priority for Europe.

Public opinion, too, is shaped by these frames, and even though a large part of Europeans grew increasingly wary of European mainstream media — notably as a consequence of their unacceptable reporting on the Israeli actions in Gaza — it can take time for that same healthy skepticism to extend to media narratives about China.

Nonetheless, increased tourism to China, supported by visa-free policies, is helping Europeans see realities firsthand and move beyond simplistic media binaries. This direct experience is likely to foster a more nuanced and objective perception of China in the West, bringing about a more balanced China policy overall.

The unipolar moment has passed. In a multipolar world, Europe’s strength lies in balance rather than alignment, and in cooperation rather than confrontation. Acting with strategic autonomy means managing differences through dialogue and pursuing cooperation where interests converge.

From this perspective, engaging China as a constructive partner is not a matter of sentiment, but of strategic choice in navigating an increasingly multipolar international landscape.

The author is the director for Europe of the Europe-Asia Center.

The author contributed this article to China Watch, a think tank powered by China Daily. The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

Contact the editor at editor@chinawatch.cn.